Google sometimes directs to the wrong page on this site. If you don't get the page you were expecting type book author name into the search bar below All books reviewed have been purchased by me unless very occasionally indicated. For more about the reviewer, google "Trevor Pateman". I do not have an X account and never had a Twitter account; that is another Trevor Pateman
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Saturday, 6 August 2016
Review: Lauren Elkin - Flaneuse
Click on Image to Magnify
There was a time – and
I don’t know when it ended – when if you were self-assured, had the necessary
leisure and some ability to write, you could write about pretty much anything
which took your fancy, expressing your opinions or sentiments, often in short
literary form (the essay), and you would have a decent chance of finding a
publisher who would put you into print. You would then become a contributor to
the genre of Belles Lettres.
At some point, belles lettres got put under pressure
and specifically by professionalised academic writing where it was obligatory
to distinguish fact and opinion and, in either case, obligatory
to situate what you were saying fully and explicitly in the field of what other
people had been saying - and preferably, very recently saying. The footnote and
the Bibliography are the outward markers of academic writing - you might even
say invented to mark the difference
with belles lettres.
Publishers - and I
suppose readers too - became wary of belles
lettres. What was left from what academic writing had taken over was
fiction, poetry and journalism, including the journalism of book reviews.
Nowadays, the last bastion of belles
lettres is the serious book review or essay in one of the serious Reviews: The New York Review of Books, The London
Review of Books, The Financial Times, and so on.
Lauren Elkin situates
her book within academic writing by providing copious notes – which I felt under
no pressure to read – and a fairly long Bibliography. But the jacket design –
very messy, actually – title page and quaint publishing house (Chatto and Windus)
situates this as a non-academic book. On the jacket flap we are told it is
“Part cultural meander, part memoir” – I am surprised they put it like that
because this is tantamount to saying that the book is belles lettres.
And none the worse for
that. It’s an interesting read, the short quasi-academic studies spliced with
personal narrative and the stage set changing from city to city. The title and
sub-title Flâneuse: Women Walk The City
in Paris, New York, Tokyo, Venice and London is not misleading but I would
bet a bit of money that the author was under some pressure from literary agent
and publisher to make it all hang together so that it could Fit into some
category – social history or literary representations of the city or sexual
discrimination at street level or just autobiography. There are many
possibilities, some of which would have led to the writing of a dreadful book,
dull and correct and easy to shelve.
I enjoyed reading this book, though
she lost me for a moment when late on she mentions keeping a dog in Paris, a
dog shit city when I lived there (1971 – 72) and even long after. But I did find her
narratives of Parisian history helped me understand how and why I have come to
dislike Paris. She narrates the tragedies which today repeat themselves as
farce: the ritual demonstrations, the immature bad temper (they were still
honking car horns last time I went, albeit less fervently than in the 1970s),
and the intense conservatism of the radicals, who think that the past is the
model for the future right down to the cigarettes they still smoke. If you think
Ruritania is stuck, try France - a country haunted by a collective memory of which several parts still have to be denied. Empire and Collaboration for starters.
I think the weakness of the book is that Elkin does not quite know what she stands for. On occasion, she
expresses a forceful opinion or cracks a telling joke but much of the time she
muses, a bit ironic, a bit fey. I made a mental contrast with Katie Roiphe. She should strike out a bit more, strut her
stuff rather than stroll it .
Wednesday, 13 July 2016
Deborah Cameron's Summer Reading Picks
Times Higher Education summer reads 2016
Members of the higher education community tell us about two books they
plan to take on holiday: a new must-read and a classic worthy of a second look
Deborah Cameron
Professor of language and communication, University of Oxford
I’m
about to embark on a project that involves revisiting the classic texts of
second-wave feminism, and I’m planning to begin with a book I haven’t read
since I was 20: Shulamith Firestone’s The
Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution, an ambitious
attempt at what its author called “a materialist view of history based on sex
itself”. My new book is The
Best I Can Do(degree zero), a collection of short essays in which
the philosopher-turned-stamp-dealer Trevor Pateman reflects on everything from
bus passes to the semiotics of lipstick – and whether scholarship should be a
hobby rather than a salaried occupation.
THE, 14 July 2016
Tuesday, 17 May 2016
Review: Robert Roper, Nabokov in America
The core of this book is a scholarly study of how Lolita was made.It's clever idea was to notice that Lolita is a road-novel in which Humbert Humbert and Lolita criss-cross America by car and then to ask how Nabokov, a Russian emigre who arrived in the USA in 1940, aged forty, knew the roads. The answer is that Nabokov travelled them and did so primarily in pursuit of butterflies though ostensibly on the way to this or that lecturing job. They were long trips and they absorbed whole summers and Nabokov made copious notes about everything - roads, motels, sky-scapes, landscapes. All the time, he was collecting butterfly specimens for museum collections where he had a paid curatorial role.
Roper makes a fascinating piece of road-scholarship out of this and it only weakens when at the end he throws in a study of Pale Fire and a brief review of Nabokov's later life in Switzerland which could have been left out. In contrast, there is nothing here on Nabokov's role in the making of the first film version of Lolita.
Roper tracks the geographical sources of specific passages in Lolita and does the same for literary sources and antecedents in Nabokov's own writing. He turns up interesting facts such as the information that one of Nabokov's colleagues solved the problem of his own taste for nymphets by marrying a fourteen-year old (there being many more places where this could be legally done circa 1930s - 1940s than there are now). Nabokov duly absorbs the information his colleague volunteers.
I thought this an interesting and worthwhile book. I would have cut the chapters which don't belong and I would have asked for more insight into the extended collaboration between Nabokov and his wife Vera, who agreed with Nabokov that he was a genius and who clearly played a large part in keeping the show on the road, literally and metaphorically - she drove, she took dictation, she wrote lots of the letters needed. But the nature of their relationship remains opaque; perhaps it was essentially banal, like the political positions they occasionally espoused.
Though the book has been adequately proof-read, someone forgot to check the Contents page with results for which that someone ought to win a prize for negligence.
Added 19 May:
I left out what may be the most important thing. In all those road trips across America, Nabokov was not driving. His wife drove or a student hired as a chauffeur drove. Nabokov sat in the passenger seat or the back seat writing. Even in the posed photograph on the front cover of Roper's book, he is not in the driving seat. I need to go back to the book and check if he ever drove at all - maybe did not know how to. It may be important: driving in the 1940s and 1950s was surely marked as a + M masculine characteristic. Nabokov ducks the + M role - and as a result gains writing time.
Thursday, 7 April 2016
On sale now: Trevor Pateman's new book The Best I Can Do
Click on Image to Enlarge
This is the cover, ready for its ISBN barcode 978-0-9935879-0-0. Inside, 165 pages of text occupied by 26 essays as listed on the cover, extensively rewritten from my Blogs. Paperback, cover price £8.95
Available from Amazon, Blackwell and Waterstones online
Monday, 28 March 2016
Review: Richard Murphy, The Joy of Tax
This is an interesting, articulate book which criticises the United Kingdom's failing tax system and proposes a fairer system and - at the same time - defends the legitimacy and effectiveness of deficit financing. It gets better as it goes along: the final chapter is very good indeed in setting out a coherent progressive vision for UK tax policy. My doubts centre on some of the lacunae, the things Murphy does not write about. An enthusiast for government borrowing, treated as the painless creation of debt which can be put to good use, he nowhere mentions two things: debt servicing and Greece – the former is not mentioned at all and Greece gets just one mention for the size of its black economy (a quarter of total output).
Debt servicing matters
for a number for reasons. It’s true that most governments still have remarkably
little trouble selling bonds, even long-term ones, which promise a fixed return
each year. They have been doing it for centuries. But problems can arise and
they usually start in the second-hand market. Suppose a government issues a
£100 bond promising 5% per year (that’s £5 to the bond owner once a year) plus
face value back when the bond expires. Suppose it prices the bond at £100 and
sells out. If the bond market thinks that 5% is generous and that the
government is a dead cert to repay and that inflation is likely to be low,
second-hand bonds may start to trade at higher than the original price. In
contrast, if 5% seems mean or there are doubts about whether the government
will repay or concerns about inflation eating away the repayment value then the second-hand price will fall. All of these things can create problems when the government issues its next lot of bonds. They may
have to drop the price to £90 or £80 and still pay out £5 a year on the face
value and still have to come up with £100 at the end even though they only got
£80 or £90 to start with. It’s a further complication that if the bonds are
traded internationally, it becomes relevant what foreigners think they can use
£s for. If they think there is nothing the UK makes or does which they will
want to spend their pounds on, then that will adversely affect their valuation
of the bonds on offer. In the real world, some countries have currencies which
are to all intents and purposes worthless outside their own boundaries because
no one outside can think of anything they would want to do with that currency. It’s
only if you start offering fantastic rates of interest that they may begin to
look around to discover if maybe your economy actually produces something worth
buying or buying more of.
There is also the small
matter of how the government finds the money to pay the interest and repay the
bonds. If it spends sensibly the money it gets from bond sales, then economic
activity will increase and (in a well-run state) tax revenues will increase
with it and there is no problem – money will come in to service the debt. In other words, bond money has been used to invest, to make things happen which otherwise wouldn't. This
is the virtuous cycle which Murphy simply assumes. But if governments give away the money
on electoral bribes ( “Everyone can now retire at 50!”) or if it has a corrupt
or inefficient tax collection service ( = Greece), then no money will be
generated to service the debt. In such circumstances, governments can try to
sell new bonds to pay the debt on the old ones but sooner or later the market
will realise that the government is now running a Ponzi scheme and will refuse to
buy the bonds. At this point, the government can ‘fess up that it cannot
service its debt and go into default. Or else, it has to cut back on important activities like the health service and
schools and divert the money saved to paying interest on debt – at which point
it loses popular support and in addition the ability to go on funding the retirement at 50 it has made everyone think was possible.
Somewhere in this
interesting book such matters should have been addressed.
Saturday, 5 March 2016
Review: Gerald Steinacher, Nazis on The Run
This review was first published on www.trevorpatemanblog.com 27June 2011. It has been posted,unchanged,here to link to the immediately preceding Blog about book publishing.
This is the most unsatisfactory academic work that I have read for a long time. I will explain why shortly.
At the end of World War Two, hundreds of thousands of people were on the move right across Europe. As Allied soldiers in vast numbers moved deeper into Italy and Germany, vast numbers of people moved in the opposite direction.
Who were they? There were civilians trying to get back to homes they had left, either as forced labourers or refugees. There were Jews who had survived the Holocaust, many or most of them traumatised, not trying to return home but instead looking to find a route out of Europe and - generally - a route to Palestine. There were those who, for many reasons, did not want to end up in Russian-occupied or Soviet-subservient areas, including not only those from eastern Germany and central Europe but also from the Balkans. There were "ordinary" criminals who had pursued regular criminal lives, thieving and profiteering, under the shelter of Nazi criminality. There were probably some ordinary German soldiers who had done nothing particularly wrong but who did not want to live in Germany any more. And there were SS and Nazi personnel, including war criminals, large and small.
Many of these very many people gravitated southwards, down into Austria, across the border into Italy and then, quite often, out of Europe altogether through the northern Italian ports: their destinations were Latin America, the Middle East, North America, Australia.
Steinacher is primarily interested in those who were wanted or who knew they should have been wanted by the Allies: the criminals and the war criminals, high-ranking and lowly, many of whom evaded justice and emigrated, mostly to Latin America and mostly to Argentina. But some of them just hid out in Italy and, in due course, made their way back to Austria or Germany with new identities.
Steinacher's book fails for a number of reasons.
First, it is less like a book and more like a notebook: lots of miscellaneous facts, disjointed, endlessly repetitive, the chronology erratic. I find it hard to believe that anyone at the English-language publisher, Oxford University Press, read the book before agreeing to publish it. Read it cover to cover, as I have done, and it is like reading the first draft of a Ph. D.
Second, though it points the finger at the civil authorities in South Tyrol, at the Vatican, at the International Red Cross and at the US intelligence services as aiders and abetters of criminal escapes, the finger wobbles. Steinacher gives us no precise idea as to the proportion of criminal elements among the many thousands of people on the move who sought help from these agencies. He simply fails to paint the larger picture, clearly and in detail. At the end of the book, you have no idea whether the criminal element was one in two or one in two thousand desperate people knocking at those doors (except that you can figure that the US intelligence services were in a different position - they knew who they were dealing with and they only wanted to deal with dodgy characters, especially after the anti-communist dynamic came to dominate after 1947).
Third, the book is largely useless to anyone of a straightforward lawyerly frame of mind. Steinacher constantly suggests answers, but rarely can one pin down a clear answer to these kind of question (let's use the Vatican as an example):
What civil or criminal offences , if any, did Vatican official X commit in rendering assistance to a fugitive of justice or as-yet uninculpated criminal, Y?
Was the whole Vatican orgnisation implicated in the activities of its individual officials, so that it should be regarded as a criminal organisation rather than just as an organisation which housed criminal officials?
To answer these questions, you have to work out if official X knew or had good reason to suspect that Y was being sought for crimes committed or was on the move because of such crimes, even if not yet inculpated. Steinacher simply doesn't work it out for most of his illustrative cases.
And you have to look at funding decisions and at euphemisms and "Confidential" markings in official correspondence.
True, there is the obstacle that the Vatican archives for this period are still closed to outsiders - the best evidence for the claim that they will incriminate, all the way up.
Some of the things Vatican officials did can be explained without imputing criminal intent. Many people had no documents and officials were willing to take your word for who you were and give you a document saying that you were who you said you were. This then allowed you to present yourself to the International Committee of the Red Cross who would furnish you with a one-way travel document to which you could then get a Latin American visa affixed.
The slackness of these procedures can be explained both in terms of having to work under pressure - there were a lot of people knocking at your door - and as a basically charitable, humanitarian response to human distress.
But when someone told you they had been born in A when you could tell from their accent (or their mother tongue) that they had never been near the place, then you became a party to fraud when you helped them fabricate a new identity for themselves. Even more so, when you suggested a suitable identity. (South Tyrol figures largely in Steinacher's story because its unsettled legal status meant that if you claimed to have been born there, you could also claim to be stateless and that meant the Red Cross, rather than the International Refugee Organisation, could deal with you).
In addition, Steinacher is able to claim that when high authorities in the Vatican and ICRC were told that their on-the-ground bureaucrats and systems were allowing wanted war criminals to escape from justice, they did little or nothing to change personnel or tighten up procedures. In both cases, it began to look as if the only "identity" you needed was that of being anti-communist.
All this said, Steinacher leaves us in no general doubt that in 1944 - 47 there were numerous Nazis and Nazi-sympathisers in South Tyrol, in the International Committee of the Red Cross and in the Vatican, who helped Nazi war criminals escape from Allied justice. This included people in senior, powerful positions - like the Pope's friend, Bishop Hudal - who knew exactly what they were doing and why.
Many Nazis ended up in Latin America, especially Argentina. Some ended up working for the CIA. It would be another book, but an interesting one, to trace the part they played in the reactionary politics of their adoptive countries and the amoral realpolitik of the CIA. Perhaps the invasion of the Falkland Islands was not just about Argentinian nationalism but also about Nazi revenge.
At the end of World War Two, hundreds of thousands of people were on the move right across Europe. As Allied soldiers in vast numbers moved deeper into Italy and Germany, vast numbers of people moved in the opposite direction.
Who were they? There were civilians trying to get back to homes they had left, either as forced labourers or refugees. There were Jews who had survived the Holocaust, many or most of them traumatised, not trying to return home but instead looking to find a route out of Europe and - generally - a route to Palestine. There were those who, for many reasons, did not want to end up in Russian-occupied or Soviet-subservient areas, including not only those from eastern Germany and central Europe but also from the Balkans. There were "ordinary" criminals who had pursued regular criminal lives, thieving and profiteering, under the shelter of Nazi criminality. There were probably some ordinary German soldiers who had done nothing particularly wrong but who did not want to live in Germany any more. And there were SS and Nazi personnel, including war criminals, large and small.
Many of these very many people gravitated southwards, down into Austria, across the border into Italy and then, quite often, out of Europe altogether through the northern Italian ports: their destinations were Latin America, the Middle East, North America, Australia.
Steinacher is primarily interested in those who were wanted or who knew they should have been wanted by the Allies: the criminals and the war criminals, high-ranking and lowly, many of whom evaded justice and emigrated, mostly to Latin America and mostly to Argentina. But some of them just hid out in Italy and, in due course, made their way back to Austria or Germany with new identities.
Steinacher's book fails for a number of reasons.
First, it is less like a book and more like a notebook: lots of miscellaneous facts, disjointed, endlessly repetitive, the chronology erratic. I find it hard to believe that anyone at the English-language publisher, Oxford University Press, read the book before agreeing to publish it. Read it cover to cover, as I have done, and it is like reading the first draft of a Ph. D.
Second, though it points the finger at the civil authorities in South Tyrol, at the Vatican, at the International Red Cross and at the US intelligence services as aiders and abetters of criminal escapes, the finger wobbles. Steinacher gives us no precise idea as to the proportion of criminal elements among the many thousands of people on the move who sought help from these agencies. He simply fails to paint the larger picture, clearly and in detail. At the end of the book, you have no idea whether the criminal element was one in two or one in two thousand desperate people knocking at those doors (except that you can figure that the US intelligence services were in a different position - they knew who they were dealing with and they only wanted to deal with dodgy characters, especially after the anti-communist dynamic came to dominate after 1947).
Third, the book is largely useless to anyone of a straightforward lawyerly frame of mind. Steinacher constantly suggests answers, but rarely can one pin down a clear answer to these kind of question (let's use the Vatican as an example):
What civil or criminal offences , if any, did Vatican official X commit in rendering assistance to a fugitive of justice or as-yet uninculpated criminal, Y?
Was the whole Vatican orgnisation implicated in the activities of its individual officials, so that it should be regarded as a criminal organisation rather than just as an organisation which housed criminal officials?
To answer these questions, you have to work out if official X knew or had good reason to suspect that Y was being sought for crimes committed or was on the move because of such crimes, even if not yet inculpated. Steinacher simply doesn't work it out for most of his illustrative cases.
And you have to look at funding decisions and at euphemisms and "Confidential" markings in official correspondence.
True, there is the obstacle that the Vatican archives for this period are still closed to outsiders - the best evidence for the claim that they will incriminate, all the way up.
Some of the things Vatican officials did can be explained without imputing criminal intent. Many people had no documents and officials were willing to take your word for who you were and give you a document saying that you were who you said you were. This then allowed you to present yourself to the International Committee of the Red Cross who would furnish you with a one-way travel document to which you could then get a Latin American visa affixed.
The slackness of these procedures can be explained both in terms of having to work under pressure - there were a lot of people knocking at your door - and as a basically charitable, humanitarian response to human distress.
But when someone told you they had been born in A when you could tell from their accent (or their mother tongue) that they had never been near the place, then you became a party to fraud when you helped them fabricate a new identity for themselves. Even more so, when you suggested a suitable identity. (South Tyrol figures largely in Steinacher's story because its unsettled legal status meant that if you claimed to have been born there, you could also claim to be stateless and that meant the Red Cross, rather than the International Refugee Organisation, could deal with you).
In addition, Steinacher is able to claim that when high authorities in the Vatican and ICRC were told that their on-the-ground bureaucrats and systems were allowing wanted war criminals to escape from justice, they did little or nothing to change personnel or tighten up procedures. In both cases, it began to look as if the only "identity" you needed was that of being anti-communist.
All this said, Steinacher leaves us in no general doubt that in 1944 - 47 there were numerous Nazis and Nazi-sympathisers in South Tyrol, in the International Committee of the Red Cross and in the Vatican, who helped Nazi war criminals escape from Allied justice. This included people in senior, powerful positions - like the Pope's friend, Bishop Hudal - who knew exactly what they were doing and why.
Many Nazis ended up in Latin America, especially Argentina. Some ended up working for the CIA. It would be another book, but an interesting one, to trace the part they played in the reactionary politics of their adoptive countries and the amoral realpolitik of the CIA. Perhaps the invasion of the Falkland Islands was not just about Argentinian nationalism but also about Nazi revenge.
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